FULL PROGRAM OF THE OROMO FEDERALIST DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT (OFDM)

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  Table of Contents
  • Part I Background
  • Part II Principles and Purposes
  • Part III Political Program
  • Part IV Economic and Social Program Orientation
  • Part V OFDM*s Relationship with Other Parties
  • Part VI Foreign Policy and Economic Relations
  • Part VII Defense Policy
  • Part VIII Amendment

Part I - Background

Present day Ethiopia, which includes the Southern regions and peoples in Northeast Africa, emerged in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. Its formation as an empire state coincided with the scramble for Africa and its partition by the European powers at the Berlin Conference of 1884. Before the turn of the twentieth century, the term "Abyssinia" referred to the Northern part of the country, and the people were known as Abyssinians. These were and still are the peoples of Northern Ethiopia, all speakers of Semitic-based languages. It was only in the early 1920's that the name Abyssinia was changed to Ethiopia. The term earlier referred to the whole territory between the Nile and Abyssinia and northwards to lower Egypt.

It is significant to note that before the fourteenth century, even Abyssinians used the term "Ethiopia" to refer to the territory known as the land of Kush and never applied it to themselves. The name Ethiopia for the country and Ethiopians for the people, which is more inclusive therefore, belongs to the second decade of the twentieth century.

The Southern peoples, including the Oromo, The Somali, The Affars, the Sidamo, the Wolayita, the Hadya, the Omo, the Benishangule, the Gambella, the Kambata, the Kafa, by and large, the Kushitic, the Omotic and the NileSaharan speakers, prior to the close of the nineteenth century, lived seperatly and independently much like the rest of Africa before the arrival of the colonizers.

During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the Amharas of Northern Shoa who formed the nucleus of the Shoan Kingdom, began to make incursions into the Southern regions with the aim of expanding their territory. Menelik the II the grandson of King Sahle Selassie of Shoa, completed the conquest of the independent Southern regions and peoples mentioned above. Consequently, the physical geography of the old Abyssinia had expanded at least two and a half times by the end of the nineteenth century.

Abyssinia had a monarchial system of government with the Orthodox Christian Church playing a vital supporting role in the political life of the monarchy and the country. The people of Abyssinia speak two distinct but related languages (Amharic and Tigrigna). The peoples of the South, however, had diverse systems of socio-political organizations, varying from the Oromo Gadaa and the Sidamo Lwa systems to the Somali clan structures. They hand-picked vassals from the colonized peoples and subjugated them. Governors were sent to various regions of the South. These governors ruled with an iron hand. Exploitation, misrule and serfdom were the order of the day. While appeal to the Emperor(s) was possible, communications in those days were so poor that it could take more than a year for the appellant to come to Finfinne, and the governors acted as absolute rulers.

The lands of the Abyssinians were traditionally called "rist" (ownership right) and were owned communally and every person who could trace his descent to the founding fathers of the particular "rist" was entitled to his own plot. But the lands of the conquered peoples were made "gebbar land" (confiscated) and given to the new Abyssinian settlers and the Orthodox Church as well as to selected local lackeys. The taxation system in the South was heavy because settlers on "gebbar land" paid exorbitant taxes, unlike their Northern counterparts who paid normal tax. The Orthodox Church always followed the settlers and was also given "samon land" (church land) for supporting the settlers and proselytizing the conquered land.

At that time (nineteenth century), most Oromo believed in "Waaqa," although Islam had already been either imposed or embraced by many of them. According to the Oromo, "Waaqa" is the supreme being, one who manifests himself through nature, such as human beings, mountain, rivers or large natural phenomena. Waaqa*s will is to do good and refrain from evil (harming others). Thus, it is not appropriate to apply such appellations as heathens, pagans or animists to the Oromo. They believe in "Waaqa" and the religion is "Waqeffeta." Most of the other Southern people had similar beliefs as the Oromo, and some like the Oromo had embraced Christianity or Islam. In many cases, these religions were imposed on them. Thus, for almost all the Southern peoples, the last 100 years have been years of exploitation, oppression, serfdom and underdevelopment.

In this connection it must be pointed out that the traditional Abyssinian population (though felt culturally and psychologically superior) was economically impoverished, like the rest of the peoples of Ethiopia. There were only a limited number of individual families directly or indirectly associated with the Emperor who benefitted from the newly acquired territories, and they were mainly located in or around Finfinnee.

When Emperor Menelik died in 1913, his grandson Iyassu, became Emperor for a short while, but was soon forced to abdicate because of his alleged support for the central powers in WWI (1914-1919) and was also suspected of heresy against the Orthodox Church by showing sympathy to Islam. Menelik*s daughter Zewditu, then became the Empress and Ras Tafari ascended to the position of regency.

It was in 1930 that Emperor Haile Sallassie became Emperor and issued the first Constitution in 1931. All along, the peoples of the South as well as those of the North, remained backward and almost totally cut off from the rest of the world. When evened those colonized countries in the rest of Africa had public schools, public health services and a transport network, Ethiopia had very little of these? It was only in the 1930's and 1940's that an economic and social infrastructure initially began to be built.

In terms of human rights, individual liberty, justice and the rule of law, Ethiopia was a typical medieval society and indeed some countries wanted to bar her form joining the League of Nations as a member, on the grounds that she practiced slavery. OFDM believes that there will be better harmony among the country*s diverse peoples and cultures, if young Ethiopians were taught the true and genuine history of the country in general and that of the Southern regions and peoples in particular, which is a history of conquests, subjugation and grinding poverty.

Conventionally, however, when some Ethiopians speak about the glorious history of Ethiopia, our youth are confused. In 1974, when the Deg. came to power through what some observers described as a "creeping coup," Ethiopia was among the poorest countries in the world with GNP per capita of one hundred U.S. dollars. Today, the situation is the same or even worse in some aspects. Famine, civil wars and lack of good governance had made Ethiopia an international symbol of poverty and human degradation. More than 200,000 people died from the 1971-1973 famine, and not less than one million in the 1984-1985. In 1991, a rebel group led by the Tigre People*s Liberation Front defeated the Derg and overran the capital, Finfinee. The peoples of Finfinnee were overjoyed having suffered under the most repressive regime for 17 years. However, most people found out that the new group was democratic only in rhetoric and not prepared to bring any democratic changes and solve the multifaceted problems of the Ethiopian society. In fact many international observers of the Ethiopian scene (e.g., Africa Watch) have repeatedly confirmed that the Ethiopian People* Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has been leftist in its land tenure system and political organization. True to traditional Marxist ideology, EPRDF in reality has yet to tolerate any effective opposition. It monopolizes the mass media and denies opposition parties any direct access to the people until the last few months of the election year. Although it publicly advocates a multiparty democracy, in reality it is a one-party government. To survive in Ethiopia as a political party, one has to come to term with EPRDF. It is a fact that EPRDF controls more than 90% of the Federal Parliamentary seats.

Consequently, today, there is no effective opposition party that can compete for political office in Ethiopia. The Government uses public resources to campaign. Opposition parties have no resources to carry out meaningful campaigns. There are able politicians and relatively well organized parties who have sound political and economic programs but lack the means to introduce themselves to the people. The pluralistic and democratic society that EPRDF promised the country and its international supporters in 1991 has hardly materialized.

The peoples of Ethiopia are still hoping that democratic and friendly governments who provided essential development aid to Ethiopia will prevail on EPRDF to begin to practices the ABC*s of democracy. Frustration and a sense of disenfranchisement are abundantly clear when one talks both to rural and urban people. We are not calling for rebellion, because OFDM has seen the horror of civil war. Thirty years of carnage in Eritrea, and more recent pictures of death and destruction in the Ethio-Eritrean conflict, in Somalia, in the former Yugoslavia, in Rwanda, in the Democratic Republic of Congo, etc. discourage even the most angry group or individuals.

Despite the poverty, war, and utter backwardness during the last many years, certain social, economic and cultural changes have taken place in Ethiopia. However limited, modern education has spread. Improved transport and communications have brought the diverse peoples of Ethiopia into contact with each other. Urbanization, trade and commerce have enabled peoples of different regions to interact. There have been inter-ethnic marriages and peoples have come to have common values. A sense of nationhood has been created among most peoples of Ethiopia.

It is now imperative that Ethiopia comes together and live under a federal structure of government. There is too much diversity, however, to be under a unitary government. Federalism as a form of government is popular among peoples of Southern Ethiopia. It has, for the first time, enabled the peoples to be in charge of their political, economic and social affairs. In short, the peoples are having the taste of home rule for the first time in their history. Each region or ethnic state wants to take control of its political, cultural, social and economic affairs, while sharing sovereignty with the federal government. Each region or state, or nationality, or people, want to ensure that their languages and cultures are neither undermined, nor displaced by the more powerful and resource-based cultures as it almost happened in the past.

Within a federal structure, based on nations and nationalities, a multiparty pluralistic political culture must be introduced, in which the Oromo and other peoples of Ethiopia can feel that they are part of the federal structure. Only then will the Oromo and other peoples of the South feel genuinely equal with the Northerners and accept to remain a willing member of the Ethiopian polity. Those who often speak of ethno-centrism and lament about its potential for the disintegration of the country should realize that only voluntary union can be the basis of a lasting association. Furthermore, only a mutually beneficial association will foster a lasting coexistence and union. When the sons and daughters of Southern peoples share power in the central government on a proportional and fair basis, they will be satisfied and pass on to generations of their people that this land is theirs and is worth protecting it with their lives.

Matters of war and peace, foreign relations, interregional trade, currency and mint management, management of national disasters, environmental protection and management of the air waves, are some of the issues that states or regions cannot tackle individually. The Ethiopian Constitution which will govern the relative responsibilities of the federal and state government should be dynamic institution capable of accommodating changes, technological advances, and the ever evolving needs of the citizens. It has to be the constitution of a federal republic, which means that it has to recognize that "States" are not provinces but fully fledged governments, except that they have agreed to share sovereignty with the federal government. The federal government is an association of governments. State governments have clearly defined responsibilities which the federal government cannot encroach upon without the consent of the states.

Part II - Principles and Purposes

A political party dedicated to the principles of federalism in Ethiopia is hereby created. OFDM accepts federalism as the most direct response to the historic demand of the Oromo people (and we believe also that of other Southern peoples) for self-determination. OFDM rejects a unitary form of government as a design to continue the domination of Southern peoples. OFDM also rejects the agitation of some that the old "teqlay gizat" (governorates) should be reintroduce. The various nationalities and peoples of Ethiopia believe that if their identities are respected, there would be better harmony within the Ethiopian federation.

OFDM accepts the current Constitution of the country and will promote its fair implementation. The Constitution provides the following fundamental principles and OFDM endorses them. To restate, they are:
1. The right to self-determination, including and up to cessation;
2. The right to speak, write and create;
3. The right to choose and practice one*s religion and the right to one*s conscience;
4. The right to peacefully assemble and to express political positions;
the right to move within the country and travel internationally;
5. The right to be members in associations;
6. The right to elect political leaders through a secret ballot;
7. The right to due process of law;
8. The right to be elected and hold a political office;
9. Freedom from arrest and search without a court warrant and the right of habeas corpus;
10. The right to privacy and the sanctity of family life;
11. The right of the child to receive free education up to and including age of 18 years;
12. The right of women to be treated equally with mean in all aspects, except that OFDM does not endorse that women should participate in combat duties in the event of war involving our country.

OFDM, recognizes, however, that the Ethiopian Constitution should be amended to include certain fundamental principles in which OFDM believes. Our party will peacefully struggle for such amendments. Some of these principles are:
* The inclusion of Afan Oromo as an official language of Ethiopia;
* Changing the present parliamentary system of government to that of the presidential system;
* OFDM is opposed to a unitary form of government as a relic of the past, when our people fell under the complete domination of the central government;
OFDM believes that federal and state governments must emerge from a democratic process. The Federal President and vice-president must be elected directly by the people. The presidents or governors of the States must also be directly elected. Likewise, members of the Federal Parliament consisting of two chambers must be directly elected by the people. Members of State parliaments should also be directly elected by the people of the State. The President of the Federal Republic can only be elected for a two four-year terms. It must be noted that OFDM believes that there is no need to have two chambers in a state parliament.

There shall be separation of powers between the executive, the legislative and the judicial branches of the Government. An independent court system is a vital part of the Government. Judges should be appointed and removed strictly in accordance with a special law and should never be left to the discretion of official of the executive branch.

State government should have a police force as well as a militia, the sizes of which shall be determined by the State legislature in accordance with the resources of the State. The State president or governor shall be the commander-in-chief of the State militia. The creation and administration of such a militia shall be governed by the State parliament. In case of a national emergency, the Federal President can also command the State militia.

Part III - Political Program

OFDM as a political party, accepts ethnic-based federalism as the only form of government in Ethiopia. The component parts of such a federation shall be states based on ethnic identity. A state shall mean the people of a region bound together by a common culture, language, and psychological makeup inhabiting a contiguous and definable territory. The federal legislature must enact laws setting up the criteria for establishing a state and, in doing so, the size of the population shall be an important consideration. The rights of minorities in all aspects shall be respected.

Part IV - Economic and Social Program and Orientation

The economy of Ethiopia shall be a free market economy. However, for public good, the Government can engage in limited business. The sectors in which the Government may act as a trader, shall be defined by parliament as and when the need arises for the Government to do any particular business. In all cases, however, the Government shall not have any monopoly in any business. The Government should do business by competing with the private sector without claiming any privileges.

There shall not be price control in the country during peace time. In urban areas, land may be transferred from one person to another through sale. OFDM shall endeavor to have the Constitution amended so that laws governing the use of ownership of rural land will be enacted. The sale of rural lands is unacceptable to OFDM. OFDM will peacefully struggle to amend the present Constitution which makes the Government the co-owner of rural lands with the community. Rural land is owned collectively by the community. However, each farmer will use his plot of farmland in perpetuity. The administration of land holding will be overseen by a community-based commission at the wereda level. The authority of the Commission will be governed by a special law entitled "The powers and authority of land administration Commission"

A farmer holds his plot of land in perpetuity and can use it as a collateral to borrow funds only from banks for the development of the land. This provision does not in any way mitigate the policy that land cannot be sold for other purposes.

Workers have the right to be organized into associations. They also have the right to strike and bargain collectively. The Civil Services shall be regulated by a special Administrative Law. OFDM believes that, despite the limited resources of the country, old men and women who do not have pensions, must not be left without support. Therefore, the country will have a limited social security system.

Part V - OFDM*s relationship to other parties

OFDM shall maintain a positive and friendly posture toward other political parties and bodies. It shall work in close liaison with others when it comes to the general interest of the nation. OFDM will also view with favor any proposal for coalition with other parties which have related political philosophy and economic and political programs. OFDM, however, believes that there must be a law governing the formation and registration of political parties since the proliferation of political parties undermines political stability and peaceful transition of political power from one party to another. There is a no merit in registering separately two parties which have identical programs.

Part VI - Foreign policy and economic relations

OFDM strongly believes in maintaining good relations with Ethiopia and her immediate neighbors. Good neighborly relations with Kenya, Sudan, Eritrea, Somalia and Djibouti are important for the economic and political stability of our country as well as for labor exchange and international trade. OFDM recognizes the importance of the African Union and regional economic integration in general. OFDM also supports the existing sub-regional African organizations such as IGAD. Ethiopia must honor her international obligations which include all treaties and conventions to which she is signatory. As a member of the United Nations and its agencies, Ethiopia must honor her financial obligations and UN Charter responsibilities.

OFDM believes that Ethiopia has a great potential for foreign direct investment. It is therefore OFDM*s policy to support a liberal investment policy in order to attract investment in agricultural, industry, tourism, mining, forestry and hydroelectric power. Nationals must not be unfairly deprived of their resources, including land and houses, under the guise of investment policy. OFDM will promote legislature to govern expropriation of properties. No citizens will lose his property to expropriation without a due and fair compensation if his property is legitimately required by public interest.

Part VII - Defense Policy

Ethiopia*s defense policy must radically depart from the militaristic posture. The country must benefit from the peace dividend after the Cold War, just as other countries have benefitted. The country must maintain a relatively small army ( to be decided by Parliament). Ethiopia will also maintain a well organized but small Air Force.

The Ethiopian Army must be ethnically balanced. No ethnic or nationality group will again dominate the Ethiopian Army whether at the officer or non-commissioned officer levels. However, ethnic consideration will not obviate the need qualifications and competence. The Federal Prime-Minister (President when the system changes) shall be the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, including a state militia in times of emergency. In the event that the use of militia is necessary, the Prime Minister shall seek the consent of the state presidents.

Part VIII - Amendment

This document may be considered for amendment when 50% of the assembly members are present, and the amendment resolution is supported by 51% of the members present.

Summary of the program of OFDM